DA's Election Manifesto: Hope or Hollow Promises for the Working Class?

Dr. Reneva Fourie

On 8 August 2026, the Democratic Alliance launched its manifesto for the local government elections under the slogan “Getting South Africa working for all”. In terms of priorities, the DA manifesto promises much the same as the last ANC local government manifesto.

It promises a corruption-free and professional administration, functioning water and electricity, cleaner, healthier and safer communities and local economic development. It is silent on land, housing, food security and gender equity.

The value of the manifesto must be considered alongside the record of DA-governed municipalities. The DA claims that where it governs, there is hope through clean government, better services and places that work for all. The evidence from its own municipalities tells a different story. 

Its governance approach is market-oriented, characterised by fiscal restraint, privatisation, outsourcing, deregulation and greater reliance on private enterprise. These measures have led to ongoing neglect in historically disadvantaged areas, shaping the allocation of public resources, housing delivery, municipal tariffs, infrastructure investment and labour relations.

The DA, via coalitions or minority arrangements, led Tshwane from the 2016 local elections until late 2024, amid persistent disputes over service delivery, finances, infrastructure, and labour relations.

Municipal employees have reported differences in response times between affluent eastern suburbs and townships. A leak or power outage in the east would be fixed more quickly and effectively than a similar problem in the townships. Many residents in townships have also experienced unreliable water supply, waste problems and inadequate infrastructure.

The municipality has also faced severe financial pressure, which has now been carried over. Its Eskom debt reached billions of rand while its capital budget has fallen substantially. Lower capital spending reduces the maintenance of roads, water pipes, sewerage systems and electricity networks. Infrastructure that is not maintained becomes more expensive to maintain and less reliable.

Regarding its claim to build stable, professional municipalities by appointing competent people based on merit, we recall the appointments of Marietha Aucamp as chief of staff, and Stefan de Villiers, a former bodybuilder, who was given a senior executive role in the Tshwane mayor’s office despite not meeting the necessary criteria. The DA's criticism of cadre deployment sits somewhat uneasily alongside concerns raised about its own approach to appointments.

The DA also has a skewed approach to the deployment of resources in the Western Cape. The Cape Town metro, governed by the DA since 2006, faces a housing backlog of more than 600,000 households, with a persistent shortage of affordable housing in central areas.

The city has spent millions in court defending its housing policies. In the Bromwell judgment, the Constitutional Court found aspects of the city's housing approach unconstitutional and unreasonable, ordering emergency accommodation for affected families.

Later, in July 2026, the Constitutional Court, in its ruling on the Tafelberg/Sea Point matter, separately found that the Western Cape government and the City had failed in their duty regarding well-located affordable housing. 

The DA emphasises fiscal restraint. Financial discipline is important, but municipalities ultimately recover much of their operating expenditure through rates, tariffs and charges. Cape Town has experienced significant increases in electricity, water, refuse and property rates tariffs.

A wealthy household can absorb a tariff increase more easily than a low-income household whose earnings are already consumed by food and transport. The provision of basic services should not be a profit-making venture.

The DA claims it will make communities safer by bringing policing closer to the people. The Western Cape has an exceptionally severe and concentrated problem with gang violence and ranks among the worst provinces.

Three of the top five police stations for murder are in the City of Cape Town. In the first quarter of 2026, the Western Cape recorded 983 murders. The DA’s safety record is one of failure, not protection.

The DA claims it will clean up cities and towns by restoring neglected public spaces. Yet some beaches in DA-governed areas require payment for access. The Cape of Good Hope entry fee is R110 for South African adults and R55 for children, while international visitors pay R515.

Public spaces that should be accessible to all are turned into commodities. This is the logic of DA governance. Everything is for sale. The poor are priced out.

The DA’s approach to privatisation has hollowed out municipal administrations. In George, the DA continued to weaken the administration by outsourcing essential services, thereby enriching consultants rather than building in-house expertise. 

The party has called for the privatisation of electricity generation and the allowance of private-sector firms to provide municipal services. This is presented as a solution to service delivery failures. The evidence from DA-governed areas shows that privatisation and outsourcing do not result in better services for poor communities. 

They result in the transfer of public resources to private contractors. Increased privatisation could lead to increased corruption. Service delivery continues to deteriorate for the working class while private profits accumulate.

The main problem encountered by local government is, ultimately, very simple. People need houses, reliable electricity, clean water, functioning sanitation, roads kept in good condition, efficient waste collection and municipalities that can provide these services. They also need budgets that match their social priorities and institutions that are answerable for each rand they spend.

The party that promises to govern for all has governed in a manner that systematically advantages business and the rich. The DA’s policies of austerity, privatisation and deregulation are not designed to serve the interests of ordinary people.

They are designed to serve the interests of property developers, private contractors and wealthy residents. They implement policies that shift resources from the working class toward the private sector.

The evidence from Cape Town, Tshwane and other DA-governed areas demonstrates that DA governance does not deliver housing, affordable services or investment in poor communities. It entrenches spatial apartheid. It increases the financial burden on poor households. It transfers public resources to the private sector.

The working class of South Africa requires a different approach to local government, one that prioritises housing, affordable services and investment in poor communities. The DA has shown through its record of governance that it is not that alternative.

* Dr Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specialising in governance, development and security.

** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or the National Media Group.